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This can be compared to Katrina and the Bush administration,  in reference to the indifference.  Essentially,  since corporations are the new "we the people,"   it is only their will and concerns that count.  In a nutshell this is the situation we are facing in this gulf disaster.

This brings us to a little deeper analysis,  just what is it that the government has been doing?  It is doing what it always has been doing,  what it is set up for - protecting moneyed interest.  Did you think that anything else was going on?  Really,  I don't know why people continue to kid themselves,  believing that they have some sort of voice which these so-called representatives and this administration listen to (in other words,  it is no different than the previous administration on this point,  or any other for that matter). 

On other blog sites I have made posts that deal with this strange idea that foreign and domestic policy is totally different,  and one does not supposedly affect the other.  Did the people of the USA really think they are not subject to the same treatment of other people in other countries by US foreign policy? 

Lets examine this carefully,  whether it is foreign or domestic policy it has always had an overarching similarity,  dis-empowering people.  Whether it is foreign or domestic policy it has also had the overarching characteristic of doing the lions share for the moneyed few,  either personally or instrumentally through corporations. 

sizing up the disaster

You have the chief officer of the US proclaiming,  pontificating,  and gesticulating that he has complete control.  He makes his trip to the shore,  and suddenly an army of "clean up" crews appear,  and than they summarily disappear when he leaves.  It is like a childish game,  do they expect people to swallow this show?

During this show of "I am in charge,"  politicians are like window dressing and are never in charge, in the meantime the silent victim of the this disaster is the environment,  and the fragile wildlife which is being smothered by a relentless system of profit at any cost.  We get strange speeches from the media which covers the shameless circus about the "oil not being on the bottom" of the ocean floor,  as if there is no scale of ecology which represents precious life in any other sea strata or above.  The chain which feeds and is sustained above the surface is befouled,  they suffer and die,  and their vital food is destroyed. 

The people of the world are in the same boat,  they are the victims of the will of the few - and some are convinced that they must maintain this system,  which guarantees the stripping of the world making it a mere commodity for the few.  The governments for the most part have become nothing but the franchise of an elite,  and the their "officials" are in charge of nothing for the sake of any people. 

In the first Katrina many thought they were insulated,  and that it was just the poor who were the victims,  now you are beginning to see that the gap has exponentially grown and everyone except the few are expendable.  It is not just a natural disaster which makes this evident,  but any time the interests of big money challenges the life and liberty of the common people. So what will it be,  fighting back,  or surrendering to an unimaginable end?  The answer can only come from the people.

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This is an article written by Jonathan Cook,  it is factually accurate.  The only process remaining after reading the the facts is interpreting what they mean in the schema of of the colonial settler state of Israel.  What is obvious is that the 20% Palestinian population is a mere veneer to "democratic" respectability - this can be seen not only by these facts,  but by what is done to Palestinians within the Occupied Territories and elsewhere (Gaza,  diaspora). 

When all of the facts are in because of the ethnic cleansing processes going on inside of the OT and Gaza,  and because to the 60 plus years of denial of the right of return of Palestinians,  the obvious reason for relegating the Palestinians inside of Israel to a mere footnote are plans for expulsion by the Zionist entity that will have little affect on how Israel functions by what they have been relegated too.  The expulsion has been repeatedly threatened,  even the Palestinians inside of the Israeli government have been harassed and in some cases expelled being made into "criminal"  refugees - essentially I am not talking about common discrimination.  So even though there are obvious parallels to South African Apartheid inside of Israel (above sign),  it is much worse,  and points to obvious incremental plans for future ethnic cleansing,  combined with Gaza and the OT,  which will dwarf the historic Nakba (in the sense of the past act,  because the Nakba has never ceased).  

photo by Gillian Laub

"Unemployed computer engineer Morad Lashin would like to work in Israel's Electricity Company, a large state utility, but admits his chances of being recruited are slim.

The reasons were set out in graphic form this month when a parliamentary committee revealed that only 1.3 per cent of the company's 12,000 workers are Arab, despite the Arab minority constituting nearly 20 per cent of the population.

The committee's report presents a picture of massive under-representation of Arab citizens across most of the public sector, including in government companies and ministries, where the percentage of Arab staff typically falls below two per cent of employees.

Arresting Palestinian citizen leaders inside Israel

According to Sikkuy, a group lobbying for greater civic equality, discriminatory hiring policies have left thousands of Arab graduates jobless, even though the government promised affirmative action a decade ago.

Mr. Lashin, 30, from Nazareth, said his remaining hope was to find a job in the public sector after a series of short-term contracts in private hi-tech firms.  "Everywhere you go, they ask if you have served in the army.  Because Arab citizens are exempt, the good jobs are always reserved for Jews."

Ali Haider, a co-director of Sikkuy, said: "What kind of example is set for the Israeli private sector when the government consistently finds excuses not to employ Arab citizens too?"

Max Blumenthal interviews Tel Aviv Israelis who want to "get rid of Palestinians"

Ahmed Tibi, who heads the parliamentary committee on Arab employment in the public sector, said that even when government bodies appointed Arabs it was invariably in lowly positions.  "The absence of Arabs in [senior] roles means that they have no say in the ministries' decision-making processes," he said.

The issue of under-representation in Israel's public sector was first acknowledged by officials in 2000, when the Fair Representation Law was passed under pressure from Arab political parties.

However, no target was set for the proportion of Arab employees until 2004, when the government agreed that within four years Arabs should comprise 10 per cent of all staff in ministries, state bodies, and on the boards of hundreds of government companies.  Later the deadline was extended to 2012.

The new report found that overall six per cent of the country's 57,000 public sector workers were Arab, only marginally higher than a decade ago.

But Mr. Tibi noted that the figures were substantially boosted by the large number of "counter staff" in the interior, welfare, health, and education ministries employed to provide basic services inside Arab communities.

On publication of the report this month, Avishai Braverman, the minorities minister, admitted there was no hope of reaching even the delayed target.  He criticized his own government for not setting its sights higher, at 20 per cent representation.


The committee's findings, said Mr. Tibi, showed officials had systematically broken their promises on fair representation.  He noted that even in the parliament itself there were only six Arab workers out of 439, or 1.6 per cent.  "What does it say that in the temple of Israeli democracy there is such rank discrimination?"

Similar percentages were found in key government departments, including the prime minister's office, the foreign ministry, the treasury, the housing ministry, and the trade and industry ministry, as well as such state agencies as the Bank of Israel, the Land Administration, and the Water Authority.

The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, to which Israel acceded last week, reported last year that 15,000 Arab graduates were either unemployed or forced into work outside their professions, often as teachers.

Mr. Tibi said he was particularly concerned that there were no Arabs in key roles inside government ministries.  "Not by chance are there no senior Arab civil servants, no deputy directors in the ministries, no legal advisers," he said.

He said the absence of Arab policy-makers was reflected in the lack of public services and resources made available to Arab communities.  Poverty among Arab families is three times higher than among Jewish families.

Yousef Jabareen, director of the Dirasat policy centre in Nazareth, said increased recruitment of Arab workers by the government could solve at a stroke two urgent problems: the large pool of Arab graduates who could not find work, and the community's lack of influence on national policy.


He added that discrimination against Arabs was "built into the institutional structure of a Jewish state."

The report was received with hostility by some MPs.  Yariv Levin, chairman of the parliament's House Committee and a member of prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud party, said the report was "delusional and ignores the fundamental fact that a significant portion of Israel's Arabs are disloyal to the state."

Saleem Marna, 37, who graduated as an information systems engineer 10 years ago from the prestigious Technion University in Haifa, said he had given up hope of finding regular work in either the private or public sectors.

"If there is a demographic problem, and there is, it is
with the Israeli Arabs who will remain
Israeli citizens."
Netanyahu, Israeli Finance Minister Dec 2003

Married with four children, he said he had applied to emigrate to Canada.  "I am hopeful that being an Arab won't count against me there."

Hatim Kanaaneh, a Harvard-educated doctor who worked as one of the few senior Arab officials in the Israeli health ministry until his resignation in the early 1990s, documented the many battles he faced in the government bureaucracy in his recent book A Doctor in Galilee.

Dr. Kanaaneh said no Arab had ever risen above the position of sub-district physician he held two decades ago.  Although the health ministry had the largest number of Arab employees of any ministry, he said none had ever been appointed to a policy-making position.


"In fact, people in the ministry tell me things have gone backwards under recent right-wing governments."

He added that the lack of Arab policymakers in government had concrete consequences that damaged the Arab community.  When he worked in the health ministry, he noted, the Arab infant mortality rate was twice that of the Jewish population.  Two decades later the ratio of Arab to Jewish infant deaths, rather than declining, had increased by a further 25 per cent.

The prejudice faced by educated Arabs seeking employment was highlighted by a survey last November.  It found that 83 per cent of Israeli businesses in the main professions admitted being opposed to hiring Arab graduates.

Yossi Coten, director of a training program in Nazareth, said of 84,000 jobs in the country's hi-tech industries, only 500 were filled by Arab engineers."

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel.  His latest books are Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East (Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books).  His website is <www.jkcook.net>.

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This article touches on a subject which has been deep and abiding in America,  in fact,  since the beginning.  It goes much deeper than the article covers,  but if this can even give the people a glimpse of what is happening,  it is worthwhile.   You only see the tip of the iceberg here,  and to be frank the answer is not reform it is revolution,  but at least it gives you a peek.  As I have said before,  there is nothing worse than being in the middle of class warfare and not knowing it.

"Last week, t
housands of New Jersey public school students walked out of class to protest draconian school budget cuts. "Save my teacher," their signs read. In a state that is home to a bevy of high finance billionaires, with the highest per capita income in the nation, teachers are being sacked left and right. In our town half the student body protested outside the high school. Perhaps the protesters should turn their eyes towards the twenty-five top hedge fund honchos who took in $25 billion in 2009. Their "earnings" alone could fund 658,000 entry level teachers.

It's ironic that the battlefield in this war over resources is public education. Because the public remains entirely uneducated about the connection between those billionaires and school budget cuts. We are clueless about what the Wall Street billionaires do to earn their riches and whether it's of any value. We might be able to understand "weapons of mass destruction," but financial weapons of mass destruction are way beyond us
could ask Governor Christie to explain.

Mr. Tepper lives in New Jersey where the governor has gone to war with the teachers, hoping to break the union and balance the budget on the backs of our students. But Governor Christie's enthusiasm for a balanced budget only goes so far: He's resolutely opposed to re-instituting the "millionaires' tax" -even though the state's fiscal crisis is a direct consequence of what millionaires and billionaires did on Wall Street.

Mr. Tepper's personal income for 2009 would have covered the salaries of 62 percent of public school teachers–who reach 855,600 students. (
Mean salary $57,645 ) But let's not lay it all on Tepper's shoulders. Andrew J. Hall once worked for the financial basket case called Citigroup. When it became clear that his $100 million bonus was embarrassment for the bailed out bank, his own financial group was sold to Occidental Petroleum. He's an oil trader.

Can some well-educated New Jersey public school student please explain: What's an oil trader? We say it's all about gambling – me included. But does that mean that when he wins someone else loses? Can he make bets where no one loses? Or does the house lose? Are we the house and lose by paying more for gas? Or, is Mr. Hall really a shining green knight who is helping to reduce global warming by driving up the price of oil? We don't know enough to even ask.

And unfortunately we also don't know enough to ask the most important question of all: Do these financial barons create economic value or are they just siphoning off wealth from other parts of the economy? Is their work productive or are they just blowing air into the next financial bubble that will explode in our faces?

Because we don't know, we also can't discuss how our system assigns economic value to what each of us does. Something is really screwed up when we award billions to Wall Street elites for doing things we don't comprehend, even as we lay off teachers by the thousands.

It's the invisible hand of the free market, we're told. Invisible is right. We can't see, feel, touch or even fathom the outlines of our current financial system. If we were able to shine a bright light on the financial machinations happening right now on Wall Street, we might find that our financial free markets are not all that free. We might find that a few large financial institutions have a stranglehold over many financial markets and are sucking all the money out of them. We might find a massive array of government subsidies in the form of asset guarantees and cheap borrowing facilities. We might discover that like the robber barons of old with their all-powerful "trusts," the largest financial institutions have invented new forms of monopoly power and political influence.

How much does President Obama himself know about what our modern-day barons really do? You've got to wonder when he calls Jamie Dimon and Lloyd Blankfein "savvy businessmen" and says he doesn't "begrudge" them their "success and wealth." As the Goldman Sachs scandal unfolds from civil to criminal charges, the President may be finding out more than he wanted to know about just what the JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs execs have been up to.

The President is not alone in accepting the equation that wealth = success = deserving of our admiration. Without much reflection many of us assume that because the rich are successful, their work must have great value. But since we don't really know what they do, their financial haul may not in fact reflect any real contribution to our society. Ask Tony Soprano.

As we stumble around in a fog of confusion about the financial industry, more and more of our economy is being eaten up by it. Financial profits and bonuses are soaring again. The share of all corporate profits that come from finance jumped from about 7 percent in 1948 to nearly 35 percent just before the recent crash. And they are rising back up to those levels right now. (You want to see some scary pictures? Check out the financial graphs at Tradersnarrative.com.)

We were once told by gurus like Robert Rubin and Alan Greenspan that this brave new financial world was the key to a bright future. The great new service sector was supposed to replace our old, polluting industrial jobs with clean, high-paying jobs in finance. American investors would be the bankers of the world. We did it better and smarter than everyone else.

But is ripping off consumers with hidden credit card fees a worthwhile activity? How about placing layers of fantasy finance bets on subprime mortgages? Is buying and selling millions of credit default swaps on Greek bonds that you don't own a constructive activity? Would the world really suffer if we did some heavy financial industry trust-busting? We need to know more, much more.

So how do we find out? Our journalists and commentators have to dig deeper. We can't be cowed by the enormous wealth these "successful" financiers have amassed, even if some of them are progressive philanthropists.

It's good for America to see its bankers parade before congressional committees and offer spirited defenses of the indefensible. The more the American people can hear banking tycoons trying to justify their existence, the angrier they'll become. But the investigations have to go deeper. Yes, Goldman Sachs seems to have pulled off a slimy scam by building securities they knew would tank and helping a hedge fund billionaire bet against them. But it's what they do every day that really matters. We need to ask: How are your activities helping to build a better America? How are you helping to put our people to work? Do you know? Do you care?

And then we have to decide: Should we reinstitute Eisenhower-era taxes on the super-rich? Should we tax the hell out of financial gambling? Should we cut financial institutions down to size? Should we value teachers more than we value hedge fund billionaires?

Maybe the marching students already know the answers."

Les Leopold is the executive director of the Labor Institute and Public Health Institute in New York, and author of The Looting of America: How Wall Street's Game of Fantasy Finance Destroyed Our Jobs, Pensions, and Prosperity—and What We Can Do About It (Chelsea Green, 2009).

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MAY DAY 2010

"May Day 2010 takes place amid unmistakable signs of the resurgence of the class struggle. In country after country, workers confront rising unemployment, the evisceration of essential services such as health and education, the erosion of working conditions and attacks on basic democratic rights. They are beginning to fight back.

With the manifest failure of capitalism, the essential message of May Day—for the international working class to unite in the struggle for world socialism—has become an urgent necessity. The global economic crisis that erupted in 2008 raises the spectre of the 1930s: permanent mass unemployment, the impoverishment of broad layers of working people and the drive towards new and ever more terrible wars.

The economic turmoil that broke out on Wall Street has entered a second, more virulent stage. The trillions of dollars pumped by administrations around the world into the major banks and corporations to prevent their collapse now appear on government books as massive sovereign debts. The universal response in ruling circles is that working people must be forced to pay for a crisis for which they bear no responsibility.

Initial attention is focused on Greece, where the Papandreou government is preparing to impose another, more severe, austerity package to cut wages, pensions and services and impose hefty tax rises. But with Spain and Portugal already under pressure from financial markets, economic commentators are nervously speculating where the "contagion" will spread next. No country is exempt: Britain, the US and Japan all sit precariously on huge mountains of debt. While superficially China appears as an exception, its feverish growth, artificially spurred on by stimulus spending, has created enormous speculative bubbles that will inevitably burst.

The size of the amounts to be clawed back from the working class is underscored by the scale of the financial collapse itself. In 2008-09, the estimated loss of global wealth was more than $25 trillion dollars, almost 45 percent of global GDP. Direct support from governments to prop up the financial system amounted to around one quarter of global GDP. In both the US and the UK it was close to three quarters of GDP. Greece is thus the test case for a global agenda.

The fundamental contradictions of capitalism—between socialised production and the private ownership of the means of production, and between the global economy and the outmoded capitalist nation state system—first identified by Karl Marx more than 150 years ago, have burst to the surface of economic and political life. The unprecedented internationalisation of production over the past 30 years has ensured that the crisis takes on a global character from the outset.

Class tensions are rapidly sharpening. The most telling signs appear at the very centre of global capitalism—in the United States—where the financial aristocracy continues to engorge itself through parasitic activities that have thrown millions of Americans out of their jobs, out of their homes and, in many cases, onto the streets. The exposure of the Obama administration as the political instrument of this grasping wealthy elite is setting the stage for explosive class battles.

At the same time, the economic crisis is exacerbating tensions between the major powers as each seeks to extricate itself at the expense of its rivals. The Greek crisis is already straining relations within Europe, raising a question mark over the viability of the euro and the entire project of European unity. Demands in the US for huge tariffs against China threaten to unleash a full-blown trade war. Everywhere the poisonous politics of nationalism and anti-immigrant chauvinism is being whipped up to divide working people and divert attention from the underlying class issues.

nter-imperialist rivalries are fuelling the rise of militarism and war. The efforts of the US to counter its historic decline through the use of military force have already had a profoundly destabilising impact on world politics. Under the aegis of its bogus "war on terror", Washington is seeking to control the key strategic regions of the Middle East and Central Asia. The US makes menacing threats against Iran even as it continues its criminal wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Numerous regional flash points have the potential to trigger a catastrophic international conflagration.

Just as the contradictions of capitalism are driving the world towards depression and war, they have also created the objective conditions for a progressive solution. As Marx explained, in the very process of its development capitalism creates its gravedigger—the international working class—the bearer of a new and higher form of society, socialism. The globalisation of production during the past three decades has created an unprecedented degree of integration of the working class of all nations. Moreover, while the incorporation of hundreds of millions of Chinese and Indian workers into the circuits of capitalist exploitation boosted profits in the short term, it has immensely strengthened the social weight of the working class.

Workers in every country confront the same enemies—the globally organised corporations, banks and financial institutions. Workers in Portugal and Spain have already joined their Greek counterparts in battling the austerity agenda of their governments. In India, hundreds of thousands of workers have been engaged in struggles against the same program—privatisation, pay cuts and job losses. Smaller but no less significant battles have emerged in many other countries.

Painting by David Kontra (blind) - "Privatization"

In every instance, workers have confronted similar political obstacles—the trade unions and Social Democratic and Stalinist parties, backed by their apologists in the various groups of ex-lefts and former radicals. All of them seek to subordinate the working class to the demands of the capitalist state under conditions where working people can defend their most basic rights only through a struggle for political power aimed at abolishing capitalism and refashioning society along socialist lines. This inevitably brings them into direct conflict with the old bureaucratic apparatuses and their "left" hangers-on.

In 1938, in the founding program of the Fourth International, Leon Trotsky answered those skeptics who questioned the revolutionary capacities of the working class: "The orientation of the masses is determined first by the objective conditions of decaying capitalism, and second, by the treacherous politics of the old workers' organisations. Of these factors, the first, of course, is the decisive one: the laws of history are stronger than the bureaucratic apparatus."

More than 70 years on, the various reformist and Stalinist apparatuses, which enjoyed a fresh lease of life during the economic boom that followed World War II, have either ceased to exist or stagger on in an advanced state of decay. But the road to socialism is neither inevitable nor automatic. Without a revolutionary program and leadership, even the most explosive social struggles will lack direction, dissipate, allow the class enemy to regroup and open the door to political reaction.

On May Day 2010, the World Socialist Web Site and the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI) sends its fraternal greetings to workers and young people around the world struggling to defend their living standards and basic rights. The ICFI is the only political movement on the face of the planet that fights for the program of socialist internationalism and embodies the true principles of May Day. We call on workers and youth seeking a way out of the disasters produced by capitalism to join and build this international party as the vital revolutionary leadership for the revolutionary upheavals ahead."

Peter Symonds


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Posted at 09:48 pm by deadringer
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By Max Blumenthal

"On April 25, over 1000 New York-area Jewish extremists gathered in midtown Manhattan to rally against the Barack Obama administration's call for a freeze on construction in occupied East Jerusalem and to demand unlimited rights to colonize the West Bank. With Obama and top White House officials engaged in a charm offensive to repair their relationship with mainstream American Jewish organizations, speakers at the rally lashed out at the Jewish groups and Democratic politicians, warning that cozying up to Obama would endanger Israel and imperil their cherished settlement enterprise.

Charles Schumer and another major New York-area Jewish Democrat, Rep. Anthony Weiner, have scrambled to appease the extreme pro-settler elements railing against Obama. On the radio show of Nachum Segal, a right-wing Orthodox Jew popular among the demonstrators, Schumer called Obama's demands to stop the construction of settlements in East Jerusalem "counter-productive" and boasted about warning White House aides that he would "publicly blast" them if the President did not relent.


But Schumer's pandering appeared to be futile. At the rally, demonstrators waved placards reading, "Where's Schumer?" and complained to me that the senator's criticism of Obama was too little, too late.

Meanwhile, according to the New York Jewish Week, Weiner had begged organizers for a chance to speak at the rally but was rebuffed out of fear that he might put "some sort of Democratic 'spin' on the president's policies." Beth Galinsky, a rally organizer, claimed Weiner was waiting in a nearby car during the rally, hoping that his desperate pleas would provide him an opportunity to address the crowd.


While the Democratic congressman was shut out, the Republican Jewish Coalition was afforded a prominent role at the demonstration beside far-right groups like the Zionist Organization of America, Z Street, Americans for a Safe Israel, Christians United for Israel, and Manhigut Yehudit, an anti-democratic group that calls for theocratic rule over Israel.

Supporters of Manhigut leader and Likud politician Moshe Feiglin distributed fliers promoting Feiglin's upcoming campaign for prime minister of Israel. An open advocate of ethnic cleansing who has proposed depriving the Palestinians of drinking water, Feiglin recently called Vice President Biden "a diseased leper."


While the pro-settler elements rallied in Manhattan, their counterparts from the radical Kahanist movement in the Hebron-based settlement of Tel Rumeida rampaged through Palestinian neighborhood in East Jerusalem, inciting violent confrontations while announcing their intention to rid the area of its historical Arab presence.

Dov Hikind, a Democratic New York Assemblymember who represents Orthodox Jewish areas in Brooklyn, is a longtime supporter of Baruch Marzel, the settler leader who orchestrated the provocations in East Jerusalem. "These are people who love us and help us, they are real lovers of Israel," Marzel once said of Hikind and his allies. Hikind's role as a keynote speaker at the New York rally was one of many hints that the events in Manhattan and Jerusalem were closely coordinated.

Dov Hikind

The Manhattan rally took on a distinctively Tea Party-flavor. Besides issuing maximalist calls for the expulsion of the Palestinians, demonstrators assailed Obama as a secret Muslim with no legitimate right to serve as President of the United States. When I was identified by a particularly ornery rally participant as "the self-hating asshole Max Blumenthal," I decided it was time to make my exit.

However, as I walked down 44th Street towards the subway, an elderly man grabbed me and attempted to snatch my camera (I had seen the gun-toting Marzel use similar tactics on anti-settlement activists documenting his exploits in the West Bank). "You're not a Jew! Give me the film!" the man exclaimed. A mob of demonstrators suddenly formed and began advancing towards me. Luckily, two NYPD officers were nearby. They pried the man off me and gave me enough time to escape. I paced for two blocks until I reached Grand Central Station then disappeared into the crowd."

This report was originally posted at Alternet.

Feeling the hate in NY part1 below:

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Feeling the hate in East Jerusalem below:

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Christian partners in hate below:

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