It is time to propose unity among all Palestinians. That is, those "inside" Israel the "last class" citizens, those who think they are a little more privileged than the Gaza, the occupied West Bank, and the occupied Gaza. All that has been attempted by the Palestinians did not take root, and I believe this artificial division is the major weak point in the resistance. Too many people think they have "too much to loose" to join with their heavily oppressed counterparts - sort of like the "class warfare" that is taking place in the United States, without the terribly violent occupation.
When this unity is realized it will put pressure "inside" of Israel as well as from the occupied territories for substantive change. The world will not stand by if the rabid Zionists try to banish their "citizens" (Palestinian) to the occupied territories, as the extreme right Zionist elements have advocated. The "new moderate" illegal governemnt led by Abbas must be resisted, not only among those in the West Bank and Gaza, but by the Palestinians inside of Israel - because a new division will only serve to destroy a viable Palestinian people in the state. The unity of all, not separated by these destructive class divisions is an unbeatable force, and must result in one truly democratic state - not two states.
I said before that the Palestinians have the "right" to use any means necessary to succeed, not to continue to use means which have proven unsuccessful. When the entire whole of the these three parts are unified, resistance can be brought to bear through the means of demonstration, and resistance - all of the conventional means that have proven effective in other civil rights movements. In order to stop this, the Zionists will have to oppress their own third class Palestinian citizens out in the open, which will prove to the most die hard Israeli supporters that indeed apartheid is in the warp and woof of this Zionism, and that will prove to be disastrous for them.
If this does not take effect, the stakes go up, by the use of civil disobedience by all of the heretofore separated "groups," inside and outside of Israel. This ratchets up till we have full blown rebellion and revolution regarding all of the artificially separated groups in a unified fashion. Nothing like before - a much more planned and sophisticated approach, using world class revolutionary methodology - no ineffective acts here. THIS IS THE WAY THINGS MUST PROCEED IF FREEDOM IS TO PREVAIL FOR THE PALESTINIANS.
So, the strategy that Bishara is proposing, which is very close to what I have proposed would be the end game for Zionism HERE. It would propose a true democratic state for all of the inhabitants, and it would dismiss the already patently outdated and deceptive idea of a two-state solution, which has been a deceptive carrot on a stick to nowhere. The Zionists have brought this on themselves, they have sown the seeds of their own destruction in their exclusive and destructive Zionist ideology - they have proven by their violence and oppression, their damnable aparthied wall, that their "two state" solution is a farce.
What must happen (as I said above) is these three strands must be brought together - those inside Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza territories. These artificial barriers, which throw crumbs to the Palestinians which keep one artificially seperated group from another, must be seen for what they are, mere placation till all hope for the Palestinians disappears. The Palestinians inside of Israel are just the facade which is supposed make the Zionist enterprise legitimate, so that it looks like a democracy - but taking just a cursory view of what is happening to the Palestinians inside of Israel should disabuse them of any fantasy that they are, or ever will be equals -
Just look what happens to the "official" representatives of the Palestinians inside of Israel - one need look no further that what has happened to Bishara. See what has taken place in land rights, education, economic opportunity, those in the Negev (12%), etc. People believe they can create this dichotomy between "inside" Israel, and the Occupied Territories, and than try to split the territories again (West Bank vs. Gaza) - as if they are apartheid to those "outside" and democratic to those "inside." Tell me, if these Zionists that rule in Israel were brought up on charges for what they have done inside of the Occupied Territories, would they be two different groups? NO. Would their alter egos go to jail and their nice inside Israel ones not? I rest my case.
The formula for freedom is in unity, it is in realizing that anything you think you have (inside of Israel, or in the West Bank) is truly not anything else than mere window dressing for dominant Zionism! What I have said here is what the Zionists fear the most, a unity of the territories with those inside of Israel will undo them post swift, and in the place of their Zionist atrocity will be a true democratic state that serves all of the people equally.
ISRAEL A STATE OF IT'S CITIZENS?
ISRAEL A STATE OF IT'S CITIZENS? - PART 2
ISRAEL A STATE OF IT'S CITIZENS? - PART 3
SEE- WHY ZIONISM WILL FAIL
ISRAEL A STATE OF IT'S CITIZENS? - PART 2
ISRAEL A STATE OF IT'S CITIZENS? - PART 3
SEE- WHY ZIONISM WILL FAIL
As a rough starting point, there should be five goals to shift to a single state solution which means freedom for all of the Palestinian people. Jeff Halper has written a concise anaylsis of what needs to take place:
"(1) In our framing of the campaign for a single state, we should stress that as much as Israel might object, it is its own settlement and incorporation policies that are responsible. Since a Palestinian "state"-cum-bantustan, the only alternative entertained by Israel, is totally unacceptable and unworkable, Israel has brought the single state solution upon itself. A two-state solution that leaves Israel intact has been proposed by both the Palestinians and by the Arab League through the Saudi initiative. Indeed, it is a basic term of reference in the road map. As in the case of South Africa, however, where apartheid was put in place by white South African governments, Israel has only itself to blame if it has created, through its own settlement and occupation policies, a single state. Despite repeated warnings from the critical peace camp, successive Israeli governments, Labor as well as Likud, have locked the country into such a dead-end situation. The Israeli public may not support the vision of a "Greater Land of Israel" (recent polls say 65% of Israelis would like "separation" from the Occupied Territories), but its support of governments pursuing such policies makes it complicit and ultimately responsible. If the road map fails, it is in large measure because of the indifference of the Israeli public to its own leaders' subversion of the initiative. To turn around and then complain that the demand for a democratic state in the entire country is "anti-Israel" and "anti-Zionist" is downright disingenuous. When the struggle for two states becomes, as I believe it must, a struggle for one democratic state, we must make it crystal clear that this development arises exclusively out of Israel's refusal to countenance a viable Palestinian state on even 22% of the country. Perhaps the realization of where Israel is headed will finally impel its Jewish public to reject policies, parties and leaders that maintain the Occupation. In that case the two-state option may be revisited. Until that happens, however, the priority of a campaign for a single state has been dictated by Israel itself.
(2) We must shift the focus of our efforts from ending the Occupation (which, when the road map fails, we must all admit will never happen) to achieving a democratic state. The slogan "One Person, One Vote" should provide a common mobilizing call for an international movement that must reach the scope and effectiveness of the campaign against South African apartheid. Indeed, the emergence of a single state as an agreed-upon goal something we lack today will make organizing much easier. On the way we must continue, of course, to oppose the Occupation and all its manifestations, including the ongoing repression of the Palestinian people. We might even advocate certain intermediate steps, such as an international protectorate over the Palestinian areas, in order to freeze Israel's ongoing process of incorporation while protecting the civilian population. We must prepare ourselves nevertheless for the most likely upshot: a campaign against apartheid and for a single democratic state.
(3) We should couch our campaign in the language and requirements of human rights and international law. A campaign for a democratic state is intended to secure the rights of all the country's inhabitants; it is not against the Israeli people or seeking in any way to delegitimize Israeli society or culture. Upholding the notion that the security and well-being of all the peoples of the region is guaranteed only through a political solution that addresses every people's human rights and that national self-determination will have to find its expression through a regional Middle East Union we must present the single democratic state as a vehicle that will facilitate collective and individual rights rather than posing a threat. The fact that occupation and apartheid constitute fundamental challenges to a world ruled by human rights and law should also be a central message. Since the Israel-Palestinian-Arab conflict is emblematic to the Arab and Muslim worlds, certainly the notion that the international system will never find stability (including a response to terrorism) unless this issue is resolved will help raise wide concern over the effects of the conflict.
(4) We should call on the Jewish public Israeli and diaspora to avoid the suffering witnessed in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa and engage pro-actively in this best-chance for a just, secure and positive resolution to an otherwise irresolvable conflict. More than anything else, Zionism was about Jews taking responsibility for their own fate. A Jewish state has proven politically and, in the end, morally untenable. It is time we salvage the good parts of Israel its vibrant national culture, society, institutions and economy and let go of that which cannot be saved: exclusive "ownership" of a country in which the Jews will soon be the minority.
(5) We must recreate an international movement similar to the anti-apartheid one. This will be difficult; Israel has far greater credibility and support than apartheid did. But we find a way to link the many disparate NGOs and activist groups into a coherent and coordinated network focusing on the issue of the democratic state itself, then forge them into a worldwide movement that goes far beyond our various groups and networks."
Even though I do not find all of these issues to be totally workable I believe this gets to the general thrust of how we must think and act.
"(1) In our framing of the campaign for a single state, we should stress that as much as Israel might object, it is its own settlement and incorporation policies that are responsible. Since a Palestinian "state"-cum-bantustan, the only alternative entertained by Israel, is totally unacceptable and unworkable, Israel has brought the single state solution upon itself. A two-state solution that leaves Israel intact has been proposed by both the Palestinians and by the Arab League through the Saudi initiative. Indeed, it is a basic term of reference in the road map. As in the case of South Africa, however, where apartheid was put in place by white South African governments, Israel has only itself to blame if it has created, through its own settlement and occupation policies, a single state. Despite repeated warnings from the critical peace camp, successive Israeli governments, Labor as well as Likud, have locked the country into such a dead-end situation. The Israeli public may not support the vision of a "Greater Land of Israel" (recent polls say 65% of Israelis would like "separation" from the Occupied Territories), but its support of governments pursuing such policies makes it complicit and ultimately responsible. If the road map fails, it is in large measure because of the indifference of the Israeli public to its own leaders' subversion of the initiative. To turn around and then complain that the demand for a democratic state in the entire country is "anti-Israel" and "anti-Zionist" is downright disingenuous. When the struggle for two states becomes, as I believe it must, a struggle for one democratic state, we must make it crystal clear that this development arises exclusively out of Israel's refusal to countenance a viable Palestinian state on even 22% of the country. Perhaps the realization of where Israel is headed will finally impel its Jewish public to reject policies, parties and leaders that maintain the Occupation. In that case the two-state option may be revisited. Until that happens, however, the priority of a campaign for a single state has been dictated by Israel itself.
(2) We must shift the focus of our efforts from ending the Occupation (which, when the road map fails, we must all admit will never happen) to achieving a democratic state. The slogan "One Person, One Vote" should provide a common mobilizing call for an international movement that must reach the scope and effectiveness of the campaign against South African apartheid. Indeed, the emergence of a single state as an agreed-upon goal something we lack today will make organizing much easier. On the way we must continue, of course, to oppose the Occupation and all its manifestations, including the ongoing repression of the Palestinian people. We might even advocate certain intermediate steps, such as an international protectorate over the Palestinian areas, in order to freeze Israel's ongoing process of incorporation while protecting the civilian population. We must prepare ourselves nevertheless for the most likely upshot: a campaign against apartheid and for a single democratic state.
(3) We should couch our campaign in the language and requirements of human rights and international law. A campaign for a democratic state is intended to secure the rights of all the country's inhabitants; it is not against the Israeli people or seeking in any way to delegitimize Israeli society or culture. Upholding the notion that the security and well-being of all the peoples of the region is guaranteed only through a political solution that addresses every people's human rights and that national self-determination will have to find its expression through a regional Middle East Union we must present the single democratic state as a vehicle that will facilitate collective and individual rights rather than posing a threat. The fact that occupation and apartheid constitute fundamental challenges to a world ruled by human rights and law should also be a central message. Since the Israel-Palestinian-Arab conflict is emblematic to the Arab and Muslim worlds, certainly the notion that the international system will never find stability (including a response to terrorism) unless this issue is resolved will help raise wide concern over the effects of the conflict.
(4) We should call on the Jewish public Israeli and diaspora to avoid the suffering witnessed in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa and engage pro-actively in this best-chance for a just, secure and positive resolution to an otherwise irresolvable conflict. More than anything else, Zionism was about Jews taking responsibility for their own fate. A Jewish state has proven politically and, in the end, morally untenable. It is time we salvage the good parts of Israel its vibrant national culture, society, institutions and economy and let go of that which cannot be saved: exclusive "ownership" of a country in which the Jews will soon be the minority.
(5) We must recreate an international movement similar to the anti-apartheid one. This will be difficult; Israel has far greater credibility and support than apartheid did. But we find a way to link the many disparate NGOs and activist groups into a coherent and coordinated network focusing on the issue of the democratic state itself, then forge them into a worldwide movement that goes far beyond our various groups and networks."
Even though I do not find all of these issues to be totally workable I believe this gets to the general thrust of how we must think and act.
